| | Parashat Yitro
Mamlekhet Kohanim V'Goy Kadosh: A Kohanic Kingdom?
I
THE PRE-REVELATION COMMITMENT
Our Parashah is composed of two distinct sections:
1) The "Yitro" chapter (#18) which details Yitro's advice to Mosheh regarding the establishment of circuit courts, and
2) The first part of the "Ma'amad Har Sinai" (Stand at Sinai - i.e. Revelation) narrative, which continues through ch. 31.
The section of our Parashah dealing with Ma'amad Har Sinai is itself "neatly" divisible into three sections:
a) Preparations and formulation of the B'rit (Covenant) - all in Chapter 19; b) The Decalogue (20:1-14), and c) The post-Revelation responses of the people and G-d. (20:15-23)
At the onset of the formulation of the B'rit, the Almighty uses three phrases to describe the special relationship He intends for His people (see V'shinantam 2/15 & 16 for literary analyses of this relationship as expressed in the "keyword" *Li*):
...Thus shall you say to the house of Ya'akov, and tell the people of Yisra'el: You have seen what I did to the Egyptians, and how I carried you on eagles' wings, and brought you to Myself.
Now therefore, if you will obey My voice indeed, and keep My covenant, then you shall be (1) My own treasure among all peoples (*viH'yitem Li S'gulah miKol ha'Amim*); for all the earth is Mine; And you shall be to Me a (2) kingdom of priests (*Mamlekhet Kohanim*), and (3) a holy nation (*Goy Kadosh*)... (Sh'mot 19:3-6)
I would like to examine the import of these three terms: *S'gulah* (treasure), *Mamlekhet Kohanim* (kingdom of priests) and *Goy Kadosh* (holy nation), with an eye to understanding why the first and last of these have a decidedly different fate from their neighbor. Both *'Am S'gulah* and *Goy Kadosh*, in various formulations, continue to appear in later books of the Torah as descriptive, exhortative or quasi-eschatological terms for the B'nei Yisra'el. , *Mamlekhet Kohanim*, on the other hand, disappears without a trace from the Toraic ideal.
Was the Divine promise of making us into a Mamlekhet Kohanim ever realized?
Clearly, a proper response to this quetsion depends on how we interpret the phrase. If we accept the interpretation of Rashi (and Rashbam) that Kohanim is *Sarim* (noblemen), than the response is definitive "yes" - countless times after Sinai we are described in "regal" terms. The difficulty in this approach is, again, the disappearance of the term after this Divine charge.
S'forno's interpretation, that Kohanim should be understood literally (the approach we will adopt for purposes of this analysis), begs another question. which will be the focus of the shiur.
Why wasn't the promise fulfilled immediately, at the foot of Sinai? Why was it relegated to the Messianic future, as S'forno proposes?
Beyond this question, S'forno's approach is vulnerable to the same question asked above - since S'forno reads all three terms as promises which will not be fulfilled until the Messianic era, why do *S'gulah* and *Goy Kadosh* appear in sections of the Torah, while *Mamlekhet Kohanim* disappears?
Why was it not at least preserved as an ideal, evocative of the great moment when our relationship with G-d was at its most intense? (see, e.g. Yirmiyah 2:1-2, Hoshea 2:16-17).
In order to understand the nature of this "first charge" to the B'nei Yisra'el, we'll need to look to the opposite end of the Biblical spectrum - to the last of the N'vi'im, Malakhi.
II
THE DIALOGUE OF MALAKHI: AGAINST THE KOHANIM
Malakhi (which may or may not be his name - see BT Megillah 15a. See also the Septuagint, which renders it "angeloi mou" [My angel/messenger] ) operated as a Navi in Yerushalayim during the 5th century BCE, subsequent to the re-establishment of the Beit haMikdash and the sacrificial order. Although he is frequently grouped with Haggai and Zekharyah (as the "last of the prophets"), his prophecy was addressed to a different political and spiritual reality among the residents of Yehudah and Yerushalayim. Whereas Haggai and Zekharyah (whose N'vu'ot all took place during the years 520-515 BCE, at the beginning of the rule of Darius) were sent by G-d to bolster the people's resolve to complete the reconstruction of the Beit haMikdash (see Ezra 5:2), Malakhi's task was to address the degrading attitude held among the people toward that selfsame Sanctuary. The first two chapters of Malakhi (there are only three) are devoted to a severe chastisement of the people's perverted attit ude with the Mikdash and the sancta. The most powerful expression of this diatribe is found in the following passage:
You offer polluted bread upon My altar; and you say, How have we polluted You? In that you say, The table of Hashem is contemptible. And if you offer the blind for sacrifice, is this not evil? And if you offer the lame and the sick, is this not evil? Offer it now to your governor, will he be pleased with you, or accept your person? says Hashem Tz'vakot. And now, I beg you, beseech G-d that he will be gracious to us; this has been your doing. Will he show favor to any of you? says Hashem Tz'vakot. O, that were one among you who would shut the doors that you might not kindle fire on My altar in vain! I have no pleasure in you, said Hashem Tz'vakot, nor will I accept an offering from your hand.. For, from the rising of the sun until it goes down, My name is great among the nations; and in every place incense is offered to My name, and a pure offering; for My name is great among the nations, says Hashem Tz'vakot. But you have profaned it, in that you say, The table of Hashem is polluted; and his fruit, his food, is contemptible. And you said, Behold, what a weariness it is! And you snuffed at it, says Hashem Tz'vakot; and you brought that which was torn, and the lame, and the sick; thus you brought an offering. Should I accept this from your hand? says Hashem. Let the deceiver be cursed, who has in his flock a male, and yet vows, and sacrifices to the Lord what is blemished; for I am a great king, says Hashem Tz'vakot, and My name is feared among the nations.
And now, O you Kohanim, this commandment is for you. If you will not hear, and if you will not lay it to heart, to give glory to My name, says Hashem Tz'vakot, I will send a curse upon you, and I will curse your blessings. Indeed I have cursed them already, because you do not lay it to heart. Behold, I will rebuke your seed, and spread dung upon your faces, the dung of your solemn feasts; and you will be taken away with it. And you shall know that I have sent this commandment to you, that My covenant might be with Levi, says Hashem Tz'vakot. My covenant was with him for life and peace; and I gave them to him for the fear with which he feared Me, and was afraid before My name. The Torah of truth was in his mouth, and iniquity was not found in his lips; he walked with Me in peace and uprightness, and he turned many away from iniquity. For the Kohen's lips should guard knowledge, and they should seek the Torah from his mouth; for he is a messenger of Hashem Tz'vakot. But you have turned aside from the way; you have caused many to stumble in the Torah; you have corrupted the covenant of Levi, says Hashem Tz'vakot. Therefore I have also made you contemptible and base before all the people, because you have not kept My ways, but have shown partiality in regard to the Torah. (Malakhi 1:7- 2:9)
III
A BRIEF METHODOLOGICAL INTERLUDE: DIALOGUE-FORM IN THE N'VI'IM
Although the T'nakh is considered, both traditionally and Halakhically, to be a cohesive unit, it is a mistake to automatically apply the methodology of study utilized in one section to another. Even within the Humash, for instance, we approach different types of text with different tools. Note how the Rishonim interpret the great visions of Mosheh (Devarim 32) and Bil'am (Bamidbar 23-24) - as opposed to their "more technical" approach to the legalistic texts of Vayyikra.
In order to understand the hermeneutic and exegetical distinctions between Torah and N'vi'im (notably the section known as "N'vi'im Aharonim", i.e. Yeshayah, Yirmiyah, Yehezqe'el and T'rei Asar), we have to remember that the original function of each of these is markedly different.
Whereas the Torah is chiefly a written text, meant for timeless instruction, replete with the basic Halakhic texts (or, more accurately, the texts which form the basis of Halakhah), the words of Yeshayah and his colleagues were first and foremost intended for their "original" target audience. In other words, whereas Torah is a written tradition, N'vuah is essentially an oratorical art, wherein the Navi is charged to address the people (or, often, the court and aristocracy) and to affect the prevailing attitude and sentiment. Sometimes this involves severe chastisement (e.g. Yeshayah 3), sometimes exhortation (e.g. Haggai 2), oftentimes consolation (e.g. Yeshayah 40, Yirmiyah 33) and even inspiration to envision a glorious future (e.g. Zekharyah 7-8). As the Rabbis teach us (BT Megillah 14a), there were many more N'vi'im who operated in Israel throughout history (chiefly during the first Commonwealth) - but only those prophecies whose message has import for future generati ons were committed to writing (and included in the canon).
That being the case, we need to read the N'vi'im not only with our eyes but also with our ears. To wit, our understanding of the message of a given Navi will be enhanced if we try to place ourselves among his direct audience, listening to his words and doing our best to estimate the impact of his rhetoric on the assemblage. As such, we do well to note those tools of rhetoric and oratory which are utilized by the Navi and to see how they might enhance and underscore his message - and heighten its impact on those listening.
For instance, a Navi will often use phrases that were used by earlier N'vi'im - and are surely in the forefront of the "literary consciousness" of the people - to strengthen their own message. Sometimes this is accomplished in a surprising and ironic fashion; for instance, Yirmiyah (31:3) turns Amos's "maiden of Yisra'el" (5:2) from a fallen woman to a dancing girl. (Yirmiyah lived over a century after Amos; it stands to reason that Amos' dire use of *B'tulat Yisra'el* was well-known to Yirmiyah's audience).
Among the rhetorical devices used by N'vi'im is the "dialogue" or "disputation", where the Navi quotes G-d against the people, then pre-empts the people's objection (or defense) by quoting it himself - and answering it on the spot. An exquisite example of this form is found at the end of Malakhi:
"Your words have been strong against Me", says Hashem. Yet you say, "How have we spoken against You?" You have said: "It is vain to serve G-d; and what profit is it that we have kept His ordinance, and that we have walked mournfully before Hashem Tz'vakot?" (3:13-14)
Malakhi begins by quoting G-d's chastisement of the people: Your words have been strong against Me...
he then anticipates/quotes the people's response/defense: "How have we spoken against You?...
and delivers the coup-de-grace, affirming that G-d chastisement is indeed true: You have said: "It is vain to serve G-d; and what profit is it that we have kept His ordinance, and that we have walked mournfully before Hashem Tz'vakot?"
This "disputation" form (which is so prevalent in Malakhi [see 1:2, 4, 6, 7, 13; 2:14, 17 (twice!); 3:7, 8, 13, 14] that one contemporary writer was prompted to refer to Malakhi as "the Hebrew Socrates") has the effect of "leav[ing] the opposition devoid of further argumentation and resigned to the Divine decision" (Patterson, "A Complete Literary Guide to the Bible", p. 303).
SUMMARY
A few methodological points were introduced in this section which bear recapping: 1) A proper appreciation of the "literary" N'vi'im demands a different approach from that used when studying other parts of T'nakh;
2) The primary concern of these N'vi'im was to effect a "change of heart" among their primary/contemporary audience - and those N'vu'ot which were included in the canon were those that Hazal understood to have eternal messages;
3) Since the N'vi'im were, first and foremost, orators, it is critical to understand the rhetorical tools they used and to adjudge the impact of their spoken words on their audience;
4) One of the most common tools used by Malakhi is the "disputation" form, where he represents both the Divine charge and the people's defense - only to respond to that defense, rendering the people (literally) "speechless".
If we go back to the selection from Malakhi quoted in section II above, we can see that this entire text is presented as a disputation, pitting G-d against the people in a judgment about their relationship with the altar and the Mikdash and, ultimately, with the honor due His Name.
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| Mikra, Copyright © 2012 by Rabbi Yitzchak Etshalom and Torah.org. The author is Educational Coordinator of the Jewish Studies Institute of the Yeshiva of Los Angeles. |
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